To The Editor of The Times.

Sir, --- In a few days Sir Bartle Frere will return to England, and public attention will be directed to the East Coast of Africa. I am desirous of availing myself of the opportunity to ventilate some speculations of my own, which you may, perhaps, consider of sufficient interest to deserve publication in the Times. My proposal is to make the encouragement of the Chinese settlements at one or more suitable places on the East Coast of Africa a par of our national policy, in the belief that the Chinese immigrants would not only maintain their position, but that they would multiply and their descendants supplant the inferior Negro race. I should expect the large part of the African seaboard, now sparsely occupied by lazy, palavering savages living under the nominal sovereignty of the Zanzibar, or Portugal, might in a few years be tenanted by industrious, order loving Chinese, living either as a semi-detached dependency of China, or else in perfect freedom under their own law. In the latter case their would be similar to that of the inhabitants of Liberia, in West Africa, the territory which was purchased 50 years ago and set apart as an independent State for the reception of freed negroes from America.

The opinion of the public on the real worth of the Negro race has halted between the extreme views which have been long and loudly proclaimed. It refuses to follow those of the early abolitionists, that all the barbarities in Africa are to be traced to the effects of a foreign slave trade, because travelers continually speak of similar barbarities existing in regions to which the slave trade has not penetrated. Captain Colomb has written a well-argued chapter on this matter, in his recent volume. On the other hand, the opinion of the present day repudiates the belief that the negro is an extremely inferior being, because there are notorious instances of negroes possessing high intelligence and culture, some of whom acquire large fortunes in commerce, and others become considerable men in other walks of life. The truth appears to be that individuals of the mental caliber I have just described are much more exceptional in the negro than in the Anglo-Saxon race, and that average negroes possess too little intellect, self-reliance, and self-control to make it possible for them to sustain the burden of any respectable form of civilization without a large measure of external guidance and support. The Chinaman is a being of another kind, who is endowed with a remarkable aptitude for a high material civilization. He is seen to the least advantage in his own country, where a temporary dark age still prevails, which has not sapped the genius of the race, though it has stunted the developed the of each member of it, by the rigid enforcement of an effete system of classical education which treats originality as a social crime. All the bad parts of his character, as his lying and servility, spring from timidity due to an education that has cowed him, and no treatment is better calculated to remedy that evil than location in a free settlement. The natural capacity of the Chinaman shows itself by the success with which, notwithstanding his timidity, he competes with strangers, wherever he may reside. The Chinese emigrants possess an extraordinary instinct for political and social organization; they contrive to establish for themselves a police and internal government, and they give no trouble to their rulers so long as they are left to manage those matters by themselves. They are good-tempered, frugal, industrious, saving, commercially inclined, and extraordinarily prolific. They thrive in all countries, the natives of the Southern provinces being perfectly able to labor and multiply in the hottest climates. Of all known varieties or mankind there is none so appropriate as the Chinaman to become the future occupant of the enormous regions which lie between the tropics, whose extent is far more vast than it appears, from the cramped manner in which those latitudes are pictured in the ordinary maps of the world. But take a globe and examine it, and consider the huge but poorly-peopled bulk of Africa, by whose side the areas of India and of China look insignificant, and think what a field lies there for the development of a suitable race. The Hindoo cannot fulfil the required conditions nearly as well as the Chinaman, for he is inferior to him in strength, industry, aptitude for saving, business habits, and prolific power. The Arab is little more than an eater up of other men's produce; he is a destroyer rather than a creator, and he is unprolific.

The history of the world tells a tale of the continual displacement of populations, each by a worthier successor, and humanity gains thereby. We ourselves are no descendents of the aborigines of Britain, and our colonists were invaders of the regions they now occupy as their lawful home. But the countries into which the Anglo-Saxon race can be transfused are restricted to those where the climate is temperate. The Tropics are not for us, to inhabit permanently; the greater part of Africa is the heritage of people differently constituted to ourselves. On that continent, as elsewhere, one population continually drives out another. Consider its history as it extends over successive centuries. We note how Arab, Tuarick, Fellatah, Negroes of uncounted varieties, Cadre, Hottentot surge and reel to and fro in the struggle for existence. It is into this free flight among all present that I wish to see a new competitor introduced-namely, the Chinaman. The gain would be immense to the whole civilized world if we were to out-breed and finally displace the negro, as completely as the latter has displaced the aborigines of the West Indies. The magnitude of the gain may be partly estimated by making the converse supposition --- namely, the loss that would ensue if China were somehow to be depopulated and restocked by negroes.

The pressure of population in China is enormous, and its outflow is great and increasing. There is no lack of material for a suitable immigration into Africa. I do not say that it would be possible at any moment to persuade communities of men and women from Southern China to establish themselves in Africa; but I am assured, by excellent authorities, that occasions of political disturbances frequently arise when it would be practicable to do so by the promise of a free, or nearly free, grant of land. The Chinese have a land hunger, as well as a love for petty traffic, and they would find a field in which to gratify both of these tastes on the East African Coast. There are many Chinese capitalists resident in foreign parts who might speculate in such a system and warmly encourage it. If once successfully started, it ought to maintain itself. The colonist could not starve; and when they began to succeed they would send money to their relatives to enable them to follow, just as they now do from the many other parts of the world where they are located. For these reasons it is probable that the streams of emigration from China have sufficient "head" to enable them to reach and overflow the coasts of Eastern Africa if they were watched and judiciously diverted in that direction.

I have finally to speak of the political effort necessary to secure a free right of occupancy and of settlement at suitable points on the coast. No very serious obstacle seems to stand in the way; certainly none was met with when Liberia was founded. It is probable that as the success of such an enterprise would be of equally great value to all nations commercially interested in those parts, no national jealousy would be excited by its promotion, and the necessary territory could be obtained with little difficulty and at a small cost, to be advanced in the first instance as a charge on the land and hereafter to be redeemed.

Francis Galton

Sir,---Mr. Galton's proposal to introduce the Chinese into Africa does not seem to be based on much real knowledge of these people. He broadly assumes that, in a few years, portions of Eastern Africa might be tenanted by colonies of Chinamen, who should be entirely ruled by the Emperor of China or should be independent, self-governed communities.

He omits, however, to state what is quite well known---namely, that the Government of China is opposed altogether to the formation of dependencies; it has neither the desire nor the power to form or maintain remote dependencies. Again, Mr. Galton's assumption of the fitness of the people for colonization is not well founded. Whether Chinamen will ever show that they can form entirely self-governing communities I cannot venture to say, but they have not yet given any evidence of such capability. They have but little confidence in themselves, and the few who emigrate seek the protection of some strong foreign Government, desirous merely, as you say, of finding places where they can make money, and from which they can hope to go back to China with their earnings. They do not take women with them to form families, and for many reasons are about the last people in the world who might be expected to become colonizers and citizens. They will not even leave their bones in the countries where they labour. It will surprise well-informed Australians, Americans, and Canadians to learn from Mr. Galton's letter that he hopes to see colonies of Chinamen in East Africa "living in perfect freedom under their own laws." Does not Mr. Galton know that Chinese emigrants generally, and particularly in the above-named countries, are, for the most part, the bond slaves of Chinese labour contractors who, in China, hold, and are entitled by Chinese law to hold, the home-staying father, or brother, or sister of the emigrant in pledge for the fulfilment of the emigrant's contract, under the penalty of serfage? Is it by such associations of Chinese emigrants that Mr. Galton hopes to regenerate Africa?

With regard to your correspondent's assumption that Chinamen are better fitted for citizenship than blackmen, I can only say that I have lived for many years among both people in the same place; I have employed both people as servants, and counted them as neighbours and acquaintances. I dispute Mr. Galton's assumption that blackmen do not make good citizens. They may not have the petty ingenuity of the Chinese, but they are quite as thrifty and hard-working as the Chinese are in several of our Colonies, and they form families and share usefully in managing local affairs. On the other hand, the Chinaman, as a citizen, and also socially, is almost useless. He is a strong, cheap labourer, and that is about all he is. If he ever attempted to be a citizen, it would be the Chinaman, not the coloured man, who would require "a large measure of external guidance and support."" But Mr. Galton's "speculation" is hardly worthy of serious argument. I will just remark, in conclusion, that we have no good proof that China is so populous as we have assumed her to be. I have discussed this question of population often with Chinese merchants who spoke English and carried on business in America and Australia, and the result is that I should not be surprised to find that the population of China is considerably under 200,000,000, and that large tracts of agricultural land are lying waste in that country owing to bad laws and social conditions, which are inimical to agriculture. Chinamen, for many generations, are likely to have quite enough to do in their own country without taking Africa in hand.

June 5.
GILBERT MALCOLM SPROAT.